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Table of contents
I. Introduction
II. Credit
Default Swaps Function
1.
Description
2.
Functions
III. Credit
Default Swaps Nature
1.
Credit Default Swaps and insurance products
2.
“Empty creditor” theory
IV.
Central Counterparty
1.
Clearinghouse mechanism
2.
AIG’s “clinical death”
V. Credit Default
Swaps in the Dodd-Frank Act
VI.
Conclusion
I.
Introduction
It was
1994 when some of the sharpest JP Morgan minds came
up with the idea of creating a new financial tool,
Credit Default Swap (“CDS”)[2].
Thanks to it, the banking institution managed both
to comply with the so-called Basel I rules, which
required that banks hold eight percent of their
capital in reserve against the risk of outstanding
loans, and to cover potential damages resulting from
the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill[3].
Within
the last ten years, lawmakers and news media have
abruptly shifted their opinion about CDSs. It is
useful to quote Alan Greenspan on July 30, 1998,
before the Senate Agriculture committee’s hearing
room: “Regulation of
derivatives transactions that are privately
negotiated by professionals is unnecessary and
hinders the efficiency of markets to enlarge
standards of living.”[4]
With this statement, Greenspan replied to the former
Commodity Futures Trading Commission Chairman,
Brooksley Born, who had been calling for regulation
on the Over The Counter derivative market. The
former Chairman of the Federal Reserve and other
policymakers feared that a strict regulation would
have highly endangered the U.S. financial market’s
competitiveness.
On the
other hand, some commentators have recently proposed
banning this derivative tool. Take two of the
world’s greatest investors for example. Warren
Buffet has repeatedly dubbed derivatives as
“financial weapons of mass destruction.”[5]
Similarly, George Soros, in an article published in
the Financial Times on January 29, 2009, said that
the CDSs are toxic and should be employed only by
prescription.[6]
By suggesting using them only to insure actual
bonds, the Hungarian-American financier implied that
the so-called “naked” CDSs had to be banned.
The
financial turmoil of the last years partly explains
such a shift. Specifically, the CDS market has
been deemed as the main culprit of AIG’s woes,[7]
which have led the Federal Government to make the
largest bailout of a private company in the U.S.
history in order to avoid massive financial chaos.
It is understandable that these exceptional measures
taken to the detriment of taxpayers cannot be
accepted in the home of capitalism. However, the
answer of Blythe Masters,[8]
one of those JP Morgan bright minds who conceived of
CDSs in 1994, to a journalist of “The Guardian”[9]
after the outburst of the crisis seems to be
balanced and sound: “ I do believe CDSs have been
miscast, much as poor workmen tend to blame their
tools.” Indeed, the JP Morgan derivative team
hardly employed CDSs and other instruments in the
mortgage market. They smelled a rat. The data
available to calculate default rates and responsibly
price the insurance were not enough and were
confusing. As a result, the Morgan team chose not
to guess what a real housing bust would look like.
In particular, in a Wall Street Journal’s article[10]
that reports excerpts of a book of Gillian Tett,
Fool’s Good, it is interesting the picture of the JP
Morgan’s team who created CDSs:
…A
tribe of bankers who were not mad, evil
orgrotesquely greedy. Their culture was a
meritocracy; talent was rewarded regardless of race,
sex or social pedigree. The tribe’s leader, the
cerebral Peter Hancock, made certain that
compensation was tied to Morgan’s long-term success.
The Morgan derivatives team, though paid less than
employees at rival firms, enjoyed the intellectual
challenge of solving financial problems. They
developed complicated models to predict loan-default
rates and never believed that the models were
infallible…
It
does not seem to be a team who was about to devise a
“financial weapon of mass destruction”. Supposedly,
other people subsequently turned a useful tool into
a toxic one.
This
paper discusses some of the most important issues
tied to CDSs and tries to point out some elements
that need to be changed and others that do not. It
will be proposed a stance that it is equidistant
from reckless deregulation and the opinion of people
who call for banning CDSs entirely. Indeed, as the
old Latin saying goes: in medio stat virtus.[11]
This work is divided into four sections: the first
one illustrates CDS and its functions. The second
section deals with the age-old issue regarding the
“nature” of this financial tool. In particular, it
explains why CDSs should not be deemed insurance
contracts. Afterwards, the section also illustrates
the fundamental and interesting topics of “naked”
CDSs and “empty creditor” theory. The third part of
the work discusses and endorses the opportunity of
chartering a clearinghouse for the CDS market. A
brief summary of AIG’s crisis and bailout has been
encompassed in this section in order to point out
system’s deficiencies caused by the lack of a
central counterparty. The paper will finally
examine the section of the Dodd-Frank Act dealing
with these issues.
II. Credit Default Swaps functions
1. Description
Credit
Default Swaps are derivative contracts. As such,
they are financial instruments whose value is based
on something else. Specifically, CDSs are contracts
in which a protection buyer pays a fee to a
protection seller in order to be compensated if the
reference entity experiences a credit event.[12]
Bankruptcy and other events, such as failure to pay,
restructuring, repudiation, obligation acceleration,
obligation default and moratorium may be encompassed
in this category. The credit event is designated by
contracting parties. The goal of this financial
tool is to transfer the risk and to increase
liquidity across markets, enabling investors to
protect their portfolios.[13]
CDSs clearly resemble insurances in that they are
contracts that pay off if the investment tied to the
reference entity goes bad. However, CDSs are not
insurance[14]
even though there are some undeniable similarities
between the two products.
It is
important to present some statistics to clarify the
terrific phenomenon dealt in this paper. This
financial tool appeared in the markets in 1994.
Although the total CDSs outstanding did not reach a
trillion of dollars in 2000, it was already close to
ten trillion of dollars by 2004. It eventually
peaked the sizeable amount of 62 trillion of dollars[15]
before the outburst of the crisis in 2007.[16]
2. Functions
Although
CDSs attractiveness stemmed mostly from the lack of
rules given by the Commodity Futures Modernization
Act of 2000,[17]
it is fundamental to point out all the precious uses
of CDSs, which let them to be highly desired by
investors. In fact, these are often blamed to be
only a wild speculation tool. This is not true.
They can be employed for hedging, speculation (which
might eventually turn out to be wild indeed) and
arbitrage.
Hedging
is the first and basic CDS function. Doubtless,
CDSs are great tools to cope with the risk of
default that arises by holding debt. Investors
owning bonds of a company deal with the risk of the
latter’s bankruptcy or other events. By giving a
premium to another entity available to pay off if
the company experiences default or the other credit
event settled, investors insure[18]
– or hedge – the risk. The effectiveness of CDSs as
hedging tools is unquestionable. Other ways to
reduce risk, such as selling dodgy loans, have clear
drawbacks[19].
Let us recall the event that led JP Morgan to create
CDSs. Had not come up with it, most likely the bank
would have been forced to divest – at least partly –
its exposure towards Exxon. This would have brought
about negative backlash with such a good client.
In
addition, CDSs are employed to speculate by
exploiting the changes in spread. That is possible
because there is a negative correlation between the
CDS spread and the company stock price. This
entails that if the credit-worthiness of the
reference entity worsens, the CDS price increases
and vice-versa. Some people strongly blame this
practice. Although this usage is not the real
function that led CDSs to be devised, it should not
be disregarded its usefulness. An investor with a
positive outlook on a specific company can sell
protection rather than spend a great deal of money
to load up on the company’s bonds or equity. On the
other hand, an investor with a negative outlook on a
specific company can buy protection for a relatively
small fee and get a huge payoff if the company
experiences the credit event settled in the
contract.[20]
Finally, CDSs may be used as tools in an arbitrage
strategy. This is based on the formerly stated
negative correlation between the CDS spread and the
stock price of the reference entity. However, it
happens that sometimes this correlation freezes for
a while due to market inefficiencies. In such
cases, sharp investors try to exploit any slowness
of the market to reply to signals. They shoot for
gains by entering into CDS contract and waiting for
the realignment of the correlation.
III. Nature of CDSs
1. Credit Default Swaps and insurance products
Maybe the oldest issue
regarding CDSs is the one regarding their nature.
By stating this, the first and main discussion is
whether CDSs should be considered insurance
contracts or not.
Doubtless, CDSs share a variety of similarities with
insurance products. Some of them were underscored
by the National Association of Insurance
Commissioners (NAIC) in 2003. The association
issued a Draft White Paper, whose conclusions
suggest encompassing CDSs in the insurance category.[21]
It is clearly visible that both CDSs and insurances
guarantee compensation to the buyer for a specified
loss in return for payment of a periodic premium to
the seller. In addition, advocates of the
assimilation CDSs/insurance products underscore the
risk transfer from one entity to another for a fee
without giving much importance to the means utilized
for obtaining risk transfer.[22]
To sum up, some commentators say that the
differences are only “cosmetic”. Therefore, CDSs
should be deemed insurance products and should be
controlled by state law[23].
Otherwise, transactions would merely aim at escaping
regulation under state insurance regimes.[24]
However,
there are many differences that prevent lumping CDSs
into insurance category. The main one is that
insurance products require an “insurable interest”.
In other words, only a person who has an economic
interest in preserving a property can take out an
insurance contract[25].
On the other hand, a protection CDS buyer is not
required to have such an interest. Those CDSs
lacking an “insurable interest” are called “naked”.
Actually, many commentators who call for
encompassing CDSs in the insurance category also
consistently propose to ban “naked” CDSs. However,
the soundness of “naked” CDSs, which will be
explained in this paper, should be affirmed.
Another
blatant difference is that CDSs are easily
transferable without affecting the protection seller
in that the protection buyer does not influence the
credit event. Differently, insurance are personal
contracts[26]
and insurers care about the identity of the
insured. It is clear that if a wise middle-aged man
transfers his car insurance to his alcoholic young
son, the possibilities of a car accident soar. An
insurer will hardly accept it, unless a higher
premium is arranged. Furthermore, while the insured
must show “proof of loss” to get coverage, the
protection CDS buyer must submit only the credit
event notice and will recover even if he/she had not
actually suffered any losses.[27]
Finally, while insurance contracts merely transfer
the risk, CDSs and other derivatives “reduce risk
through trading, matching counterparties with
complementary and offsetting risk profiles.”[28]
As
previously mentioned, some commentators would want,
at least, the “naked” CDSs to be banned. These are
the ones without an “insurable interest” of the
protection buyer. “Buying a naked CDS is like
taking out an insurance on your neighbor’s house and
then burning it down” is the evocative sentence
employed to support this opinion.
However, the
soundness of “naked” CDSs should be affirmed.
Indeed, these are great hedging tools even in some
situations where there is not an insurable
interest. An investor, for instance, might realize
that he/she is too exposed to a given market and may
wish to buy a protection despite the fact that
he/she does not own any insurable asset.[29]
A “naked” CDS, in such a case, allows the protection
buyer to hedge a position without divesting another
one.[30]
2. “Empty creditor” theory
Similar
critics have elaborated on the theory[31]
of the “empty creditor.”[32]
Basically, this blames creditors who might profit
more from a failure of the debtor than from its
solvency because of a remarkable insurance position
that pays off in the event of utter devastation.
Therefore, the theory concludes, these empty
creditors might be more inclined to push a company
towards bankruptcy. Suppose, for instance, that a
hedge fund holds 200 $ million of a company’s bond,
but it is also “long” a 500 $ million notional
amount in CDSs on this debt.[33]
The investor has an incentive to act to cause the
company to fail – for example, to oppose an
out-of-court restructuring – because it will profit
more from its “swap position” than it will lose from
its bonds.[34]
Two
recent cases highlight the discussion. The first is
the one regarding the coverage position that Goldman
Sachs held towards AIG. David Vinier, Goldman’s
Chief Financial Officer said that such a position
was “non material” in a conference call held in
March 2009 in order to clarify trading relationships
between Goldman and AIG.[35]
Although on March 15, 2009 AIG disclosed that it
has paid $7 billion of its government’s loan to
satisfy obligation to Goldman, the investment bank
was not too concerned about a possible AIG default
in September
2008.[36]
Why? Goldman was an “empty creditor” thanks to a
hefty CDSs coverage position. As such, Professor
Henry T. Hu says that the investment bank might have
had weaker incentives to cooperate with the troubled
AIG.[37]
Instead, creditors generally want to keep solvent
firms out of bankruptcy and to maximize their value.[38]
To sum up, Professor Hu’s analysis clearly implies
that financial tools like CDSs alter regular
relationships between debtor and creditors,
triggering
a
wicked behavior of the latter that would push to the
failure of the first.
Similarly, Greek politicians have pointed to some
fierce CDSs speculators as causes of the southern
European country’s downturn. Greece’s Prime
Minister George Papandreou spoke out in a CNN
interview and told Fareed Zakaria[39]
that he: “is considering taking legal action against
U.S. investment banks that might have contributed to
the country’s debt crisis.”[40]
In an effort to deflect government irresponsibility[41],
Papandreou[42]
accused CDSs buyers, both creditors (“empty” ones)
and speculators (“naked” CDSs buyers) to have pushed
the country towards default. Indeed, they brought
about spreads on the underlying bonds to widen,
making borrowing more expensive and bringing default
closer.[43]
This is a
clear attempt to find a scapegoat: the only
responsible for the Greek debt is the Greek
government, whose
attitude toward borrowing and spending is much like
that of US consumers who leveraged their homes
without worrying about how they would pay off the
loans.[44]
It is true that aggressive CDSs buying could create
a problem by damaging confidence. However, James
Mackintosh sharply observed in an article on the
Financial Times: “Is a loss of confidence causing
the problem, or is the Greek economy like souvlaki
totally skewered?”[45]
Although the empty creditor theory illustrates some
tough and important issues, it is based on incorrect
premises. An “immaterial position”, such as
Goldman’s position towards AIG, is only the result
of a good hedging strategy. Moreover, it is highly
unlikely that speculators would buy other CDSs when
a company is close to default. In fact, such a
position would be extremely expensive. The point is
well-explained by David Mengle in “The Empty
creditor hypothesis”:
One may
reasonably question the plausibility of the “empty
creditor” hypothesis on the basis of how the credit
default swaps market treats distressed credit. If an
investor were actually to try to build up a negative
economic ownership position through overhedging, the
strategy would be expensive and unlikely to yield a
high return. Setting aside the possibility of
trading on insider information, which is itself
illegal in most jurisdictions, an overhedging
strategy is likely to be profitable only if an
unusually prescient hedger were to foresee
accurately the failure of an investment grade
company while the company’s credit default swaps
still traded at a low spread. In such a case, the
gain might be regarded as a windfall but would not
lead to behavior that might affect the functioning
of credit markets. And if the anticipated bankruptcy
did not occur, the large hedge position could lead
to large losses.[46]
IV. Central Counterparty
1. Clearing
house mechanism
The goal
of this paper, as stated in the introduction, is to
maintain an equidistant stance from either a
reckless deregulation or an excessively tough
regulation. The former section of this work does
not recommend following the opinion of people who
call for a CDS banning. Instead, this section takes
a pro-regulation side by supporting the idea of
chartering a clearinghouse system for the CDS
market. CDSs have been trading in the Over The
Counter Market (OTC), where one party enters in a
bilateral contract with another party. On the other
hand, parties trade through facilities chartered for
this purpose in the Exchange Trading Market.
Specifically, the facility that carries out such a
task is a central counterparty, also called
clearinghouse. This
is an institution that stands between the two
contracting parties and provides clearing and
settlement in order to reduce the risk of parties
failing to honor their obligations. In this system,
the parties enter in a contract with the
clearinghouse, which acts as buyer and seller at the
same time. Essentially, it is an institution that
acts as guarantor and can reduce the systemic risk
by interposing itself as a counterparty to every
trade, performing multilateral netting,[47]
and providing various safeguards to ensure that the
failure of a Clearing Member (CM) to the
clearinghouse does not affect other members.[48]
The key functions of a clearinghouse that would help
keep the system safer may be summarized: A)
Determining payment amounts at the beginning of each
interest period. B) Daily valuations of all
derivative contracts for collateral[49]
requirement purposes. The clearinghouse monitors,
reexamines all posted collaterals, and applies
“haircuts.”[50]
C) Monitoring counterparty creditworthiness and
compliance with all the terms of the contracts.
This includes determining whether to exercise
settlement rights if an event of default or
termination occurs, and recovering or making net
final payments. D) Keeping relevant records and
producing various reports.[51]
The
Commodity Futures Modernization Act of 2000[52]
opted not to clear the CDS market, but those were
years in which talking about regulation was heretic.[53]
As mentioned in the introduction, policymakers were
concerned about losing the flourishing and
profitable derivative market.
It is
true that a clearinghouse would hardly work as
smoothly in the CDS market as it does in the futures
one where the contracts are easily standardized.
Moreover, some people point out a problem of
asymmetric information between investors and a
central counterparty[54].
The latter, indeed, would not have the same bulk of
information as private parties. Finally, it has
been said that a central counterparty would not
reduce the risk, but it simply would concentrate it,[55]
creating thus a dangerous “too big to fail” entity.
Although these are arguably sound and rational
concerns, a different conclusion that stems from an
elementary consideration can be drawn here. The
prior bilateral system, indeed, has failed crudely.
The risk of asymmetric information should be
carefully considered. Therefore, the central
counterparty needs to be granted considerable risk
management’s powers. In addition, a
well-capitalized clearinghouse should be able to
cover losses stemming from a default of a clearing
member. In other words, a “strong” – not only
financially - clearinghouse would work properly.
In the
privately negotiated Over the Counter CDS market,
dealers are on one side of every trade and do not
customarily post initial margin because investors
have historically viewed dealers as secure
counterparty credit risk.[56]
Unfortunately, the notorious events of the recent
financial crisis events have showed that even those
capital-supervised entities were insecure. A
clearinghouse would require all firms to post
sufficient collaterals, regardless of their
reputation, rating and alleged financial soundness.[57]
Another
shortcoming of the bilateral system has been
underscored by the
Lehman failure: when the buyer posts initial margin
to a dealer, that margin is not held in trust or in
some other way segregated from the dealer’s assets.
It is instead commingled with the dealer’s working
capital, and thus subject to bankruptcy of the
dealer.[58]
The
sharp words of Nouriel Roubini in one of his last
works endorse this analysis:
Moving most trading from OTC markets that rely on
market makers/dealers to exchanges would reduce
these distortions but, more important, would
radically reduce the counterparty risk that makes
the financial institutions too interconnected to
fail. Indeed, the more the transactions occur on
exchanges, the less the system becomes
interconnected as counterparty risk is significantly
reduced. Not only do we need to reduce the “Too Big
ToFail” problems by making each institution smaller,
we also need to unbundle financial services within
financial institutions to reduce the
too-interconnected-to-fail problem: with exchanges,
broker dealers would be involved only in the
efficient execution of trades for clients, not in
market making/dealing, which is rife with conflict
of interest, lack of price transparency, and large
and systemic counterparty
risk.[59]
2. AIG’s “clinical death”
Dealing with the CDS’s topic leads unavoidably to a
digression about AIG’s crisis and bailout. The
discussion has been embedded in this section because
the weakness of the bilateral system has been
extremely blatant in AIG’s case, and therefore the
opportunity of chartering a clearinghouse is even
enhanced by the following analysis.
It might
sound difficult to figure out how a giant as AIG has
reached such a dire situation. It is widely known
that the losses stemmed from huge CDS positions as a
protection seller. However, this was not
AIG’s core business.
AIG used to operate its CDS business through its
subsidiaries, AIG Financial Products Corp. (AIGFP)
and AIG Trading Group, Inc, and the other branches
were still profitable and sound.[60]
The bulk of the financial subsidiary CDS portfolio
was comprised of protection on “super senior”
tranche[61]
of various types of asset backed securities[62]
(ABS).[63]
While protection buyers entered in such contracts to
provide their capital a regulatory relief (i.e. to
comply with Basel Accords’ rules), AIG acted as
protection sellers to make money. A great deal of
it. Writing CDSs was deemed “gold” and “free money”
because AIG’s risk models indicated that the
underlying securities would never go into default.[64]
Here we are, we got the main problem: risk
management’s offices did not assess any risks. In
hindsight, it is easy to say it, and supposedly it
was more difficult to foresee certain dangers years
ago. However, this analysis aims only at proving
that the former bilateral risk management’s system
did not work, and it needs to be modified.
The
principal cause of AIG’s cash woes was the
collateral posting obligations in AIGFP’s CDSs
sector: in 2008 summer, after the downgrades of its
securities, AIG agreed to post $ 6 million in
collateral.[65]
In September the cash situation even worsened:
first, AIG was essentially shut out of the
commercial paper market because its subsidiaries
were unable to roll over their commercial paper
financing; soon after another downgrade, AIG made a
last desperate effort to raise capital.[66]
As it is well-known, those efforts were useless,
and the U.S. Government felt compelled to intervene
and bail out AIG in order to avoid an out-of-hand
chaos.
It would
be misleading to state that a clearinghouse would
have avoided AIG’s crisis. However, a central
counterparty guarantees greater certainty about
collaterals, those that have led AIG to a “clinical
death”. It is fundamental to highlight again that
the giant insurer was been bailed out not for a
traditional liquidity crisis, but rather for a
sudden and massive obligation to post collaterals.
Most likely, a clearinghouse would have required
posting collaterals sooner. Accordingly,
uncollateralized
exposures would not have been given the chance to
build to levels that became systemically critical.[67]
Put in simpler terms, a clearinghouse would have
said to AIG: “Either abide by rules or do not
play.” If nobody sets forth and checks the rules,
players hardly abide by them.
VII. CDSs in the
Dodd-Frank act
Inevitably, the recent financial reform could not
evade handling the issues tied to CDSs. Since they
had been pointed out as one of the main culprits of
the financial turmoil, it was easy to predict a
legislative shift in this field. The real question
was not “whether or not”, but rather “how”. Even
now, a few months after the huge “Dodd-Frank Wall
Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act”[68]
has been enacted it is not easy to answer. The
Section dedicated to derivative contracts is Title
VII.[69]
Overall, it is possible to underscore that lawmakers
did not follow the populist anger that had been
directed at the derivatives area. Specifically for
the CDS market, the Dodd-Frank Act does not take
into account the requests of those who had been
calling for a banning of CDSs or at least the
“naked” CDSs. In addition, the Act expressly
prohibits swaps and security-based swaps (categories
in which CDSs are encompassed) from being regulated
as insurance contracts under state law.[70]
On the other hand, a fundamental goal of the
legislation is to push as many trades as possible
into clearinghouses.[71]
Thus, the Act requires the clearing of all swaps
that the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC)[72]
or Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC)[73]
determines should be cleared. Another interesting
provision is the one regarding holding and
segregation of collateral. In a cleared
transaction, the collateral held must be segregated,
and the use of such collateral will be subject to
rules to be issued by the CFTC or SEC; in addition,
although these requirements do not apply to
uncleared swaps, initial margin must be maintained
in a segregated account with an independent
third-party custodian if a counterparty on an
uncleared swap requests such a segregation.[74]
To
sum up, Title VII of the Dodd-Frank Act seems to
place itself in that middle stance endorsed by this
work. Has everything been fixed? Unfortunately
no. The law still needs to be implemented: the Fed
and the Securities and Exchange Commission have been
preparing and promulgating more than 240 rules.
Therefore, it is impossible to judge this law now.
Moreover, Title VII of the Dodd-Frank Act is
confusing on some definitions (such as “swap”) and
between the split of powers of SEC and CFTC.
Furthermore, it should not be disregarded that it is
a massive act, created in short time though. Haste
often leads to lack of quality. Generally speaking,
it may be said that the direction is right, but the
road is long and impervious.
VI.
CONCLUSION
A brief
conclusion might be helpful for the reader.
Unfortunately, CDSs have become – like other
derivatives - a good target for those of various
political stripes although they were not the root
cause of the recent financial meltdown.[75]
This work strongly suggest not banning CDSs – even
the most criticized type: “naked” CDS - in that they
are a precious hedging tool. Instead, those recent
decisions of implementing a set of rules are
opportune in order to enable CDSs to play their
proper role. CDSs are financial tools very effective
for certain financial strategies. As such, investors
should employ CDSs by strictly following
instructions. A hammer is a great tool if it is
employed to assemble some pieces of furniture. On
the other hand, it turns out to be a deadly tool if
it is used to settle arguments among people. In this
latter case, however, we would obviously blame
people who use the hammer improperly but not the
hammer itself. Similarly, instead of blaming CDSs
itself, we should blame those who used them
improperly.
[4]
Henry C.K. Liu, The Courageeous Brooksley
Born (Nov. 24, 2009),
[5]
Letter from Warren Buffett, Chairman of
Berkshire Hathaway, to the shareholders of
Berkshire
[6]
George Soros, The game changer, FIN. TIMES,
Jan. 28, 2009,
[9]
David Theater, The woman who built financial
“weapon of mass destruction”, THE GUARDIAN,
Sep. 20, 2008, http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2008/sep/20/wallstreet.banking
[10]
James Freeman, The credit crisis and its
creation, WALL ST. J., May 13, 2009,
[21]
Robert F. Schwartz, Risk distribution in the
capital markets: credit default swaps,
insurance
and a theory of demarcation,
12 FORDHAM J. CORP. & FIN. L., 167, 184
(2007) (citing Prop. And Cas. Ins. Comm.,
Weather Financial Instruments (Temperature):
Insurance or Capital Markets Products?
(Nat’l Ass’n of Ins. Comm’rs Draft White
Paper, Sept. 2, 2003), available at
[28]
Id. at 197 (reporting a letter from Robert
G. Pickel, Executive Director and CEO, ISDA,
to
Ernst N. Csiszar,
President, NAIC and Robert Esson, Senior
Manager, Global Insurance Markets, NAIC
(Feb. 23, 2004), available at http://www.isda.org;
letter from Michele C. David, Vice President
and Asst. General Counsel, The Bond Market
Ass’n, to Robert Esson, Senior Manager,
Global Insurance Markets, NAIC, and Ernst N.
Csiszar, President, NAIC (Mar. 2, 2004),
available at http://www.bondmarkets.com/regulatory/comment_letter_to_naic_on_riskedlinked.
[31]
See, e.g., Daniel Gross, The Scary Rise of
the “Empty Creditor”, SLATE, (Apr. 21, 2009,
3:01 PM), http://www.slate.com/id/2216604/
[32]
Henry T. Hu, Equity and debt decoupling and
empty voting II: importance and extension,
156
[35]
See, e.g., Heidi N. Moore, Live-Blogging the
Goldman Sachs – AIG call, WALL ST. J. Mar.
20,
[36]
Henry T. Hu, “Empty creditors” and the
crisis, WALL ST. J. Apr. 10, 2009,
[41]
Damien Hoffman, Greece Prime Minister George
Papandreou can screw himself, May 16,
2010, http://wallstcheatsheet.com/breaking-news/greeces-prime-minister-george-papandreou-canscrew-himself.html
[42]
Papandreou has not been the only politician
to point to speculators as one of the main
causes of governments’ financial problems.
Among others, German Chancellor Angela
Merkel said to
Bloomberg: “ it’s a
battle of the politicians against the
markets. Speculators are our enemies.”
Tony Czuczka, Merkel
takes battle to markets as lawmakers ready
to vote on Greek aid, BLOOMBERG May 6, 2010,
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-05-06/merkel-takes-battle-tomarkets-as-lawmakers-ready-to-vote-on-greek-aid.html
[43]
The Economist, Smokescreen – Blaming
speculators for sovereign-debt woes is
misguided.
[45]
James Mackintosh, Shooting the messenger,
Greek style, FIN. TIMES, Mar. 2, 2010,
[46]
David Mengle, The empty creditor hypothesis,
ISDA RESEARCH NOTES, number 3, 2009 at 9,
available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1616739.
[48]
John Kiff, Randall Dodd, Alessandro Gullo,
Elias Kazarian, Isaac Lustgarten, Christine
Sampic, and Manmohan
Singh. Making Over-the-Counter Derivatives
Safer: The Role of Central
Counterparties,
GLOBAL FINANCIAL STABILITY REPORT at 3
(2010), available at
[50]
A “haircut” is a discount applied to the
posted collateral’s current market value to
reflect its credit, liquidity, and market
risk.
[53]
The testimony of New York State Insurance
Department Superintendent Eric Dinallo
before the House Committee of Agriculture on
November 20, 2008, does not give rise to
doubts: “In sum, we chose not to regulate
credit default swaps as a society in 2000.”
Anupam Chander and
Randall Costa, Clearing
Default Swaps: A Case Study in Global Legal
Convergence, 10 CHI. J.
[57]
See generally supra note 48 at 6 (reporting
a global survey by ISDA that highlights that
22 percent of OTC derivative transactions
are uncollateralized, which is a high
proportion of uncovered risk (ISDA, 2010).
Also, of the 78 percent of the transactions
(by notional amount) that are
collateralized, 16 percent are unilateral,
where only one side of the transaction is
obliged to post collateral. In addition,
where there is an agreement for bilateral
collateral posting, such posting can be
hindered by disputes between parties about
the valuation of the underlying positions
and collateral that results from diverse
risk management systems and valuation
models. Central clearing substantially
reduces this problem, as it standardizes
valuation models and data sources).
[58]
See supra note 53 at 650 (citing Richard H.
Baker, Letter to President Geithner,
Chairman Cox and Chairman Lukken, Dec 19,
2008. Richard Baker states:
The purpose of initial
margin is to provide dealers with a cushion
against the potential counterpart risk they
assume when entering into an OTC derivatives
contract with a customer. However, such
margin is not typically segregated from the
dealers’ other unsecured assets, what is
supposed to be a credit mitigant for the
dealer instead subjects the customer to
actual credit risk on the posted amounts. If
a dealer becomes insolvent, initial margin
posted by customers that is not so
segregated is treated in bankruptcy as a
general unsecured claim of the customer. As
a result, customers who are counterparties
to that dealer stand to incur significant
losses, regardless of the current value of
their derivatives contracts.).
[59]
NOURIEL ROUBINI AND STEPHEN MIHM, CRISIS
ECONOMICS – A CRASH COURSE IN THE FUTURE OF
FINANCE 210 (The Penguin Press, New York,
2010).
[68]
The statute was proposed by Barney Frank in
the House of Representative and by the
Chairman of the Senate
Banking Committee, Chris Dodd in the Senate,
on December 2009.
Eventually, it was signed
into law by President Barack Obama on July
21, 2010. It is a huge Act,
divided into sixteen
titles, created to repair the loopholes
underscored by the recent financial
[71]
MORE THAN JUST FINANCIAL REFORM: ANALYSIS
AND OBSERVATIONS ON THE DODD-FRANK
WALL STREET REFORM AND
CONSUMER PROTECTION ACT 51 (Jones Day,
August 2010), available at http://www.jonesday.com/files/Publication/d7d71bc5-6ee4-4144-9a0b-
91b6d95cb2a9/Presentation/PublicationAttachment/24bcecbc-dc1f-4863-9204-
93fdcb9bcc8e/Financial%20Reform%20Dodd-Frank%20White%20Paper.pdf.
[72]
The U. S. Securities and Exchange Commission
(SEC) was created by the Securities Exchange
Act of 1934. It is a federal agency that
regulates securities and enforces the
federal securities law.
[73]
The U.S. Commodity Futures Trading
Commission (CFTC) was created in 1974 by a
Congress’s Amendment to the Commodity
Exchange Act of 1936. It is an independent
agency whose duty is to prevent abusive
practices in the futures and options
markets.
[74] See supra note 71 at 57.
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